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要旨:
This study investigates the antecedent retrieval process of three anaphoric constructions, NP-ellipsis (NPE), Anaphoric One and Pronoun (Pro). Two eye-tracking while reading experiments and a self-paced reading experiment showed that while NPE exhibited an illusion of grammaticality (the agreement attraction effect in ungrammatical sentences), One and Pro did not, and thus, the antecedent is retrieved from memory differently in the processing of NPE, and One/Pro. We suggest that the structure is built at the NPE-site, where the reanalysis is prompted when the mismatch between the retrieved NP and the verb arises.
