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  Top-down anticipation versus bottom-up lexical access: Which dominates eye movements in visual scenes?

Weber, A., & Crocker, M. (2006). Top-down anticipation versus bottom-up lexical access: Which dominates eye movements in visual scenes?. Poster presented at The 19th Annual CUNY Conference on Human Sentence Processing (CUNY 2006), New York City, USA.

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Top-down anticipation versus bottom-up lexical access_POSTER.pdf (Publisher version), 668KB
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Top-down anticipation versus bottom-up lexical access_POSTER.pdf
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 Creators:
Weber, Andrea1, Author           
Crocker, Matthew1, Author
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1University of the Saarland, Saarbruecken, Germany, ou_persistent22              

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 Abstract: - During the recognition of spoken words multiple word candidates that match the speech input are activated and compete for recognition. Numerous eye-tracking studies have confirmed this phonological competition process [e.g., 1]: I.e., listeners fixate objects with names that overlapin onset with the name of a target object more than objects with unrelated names. - Subsequent studies have shown that competitor activation is further modulated by lexical frequency: When asked to click on target pictures, English listeners fixate pictures of high frequency competitors more than pictures of low frequency competitors [2]. - Furthermore, in sentence context, semantic information from preceding verbs has been found to reduce competitor activation: Dutch listeners no longer fixate competitor pictures more than distractor pictures when a preceding verb constrains the subject noun phrase [3]. Similarly, English listeners start looking at pictures of suitable object noun phrases after semantically constraining verbs [4]. - Using eye tracking, the present study investigated the interaction of lexical frequency effects with effects from verb constraints in German.

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Language(s): eng - English
 Dates: 2006
 Publication Status: Issued
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Title: The 19th Annual CUNY Conference on Human Sentence Processing (CUNY 2006)
Place of Event: New York City, USA
Start-/End Date: 2006-03-23 - 2006-03-25

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