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  Rhythmic structure of word blends in English

Cutler, A., & Young, D. (1994). Rhythmic structure of word blends in English. In Proceedings of the Third International Conference on Spoken Language Processing (pp. 1407-1410). Kobe: Acoustical Society of Japan.

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Cutler_1994_Rythmic structure.pdf (Publisher version), 43KB
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Cutler, Anne1, Author           
Young, Duncan2, Author
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1Language Comprehension Group, MPI for Psycholinguistics, Max Planck Society, ou_55203              
2Laboratory of Experimental Psychology, University of Sussex, Brighton, UK, ou_persistent22              

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 Abstract: Word blends combine fragments from two words, either in speech errors or when a new word is created. Previous work has demonstrated that in Japanese, such blends preserve moraic structure; in English they do not. A similar effect of moraic structure is observed in perceptual research on segmentation of continuous speech in Japanese; English listeners, by contrast, exploit stress units in segmentation, suggesting that a general rhythmic constraint may underlie both findings. The present study examined whether mis parallel would also hold for word blends. In spontaneous English polysyllabic blends, the source words were significantly more likely to be split before a strong than before a weak (unstressed) syllable, i.e. to be split at a stress unit boundary. In an experiment in which listeners were asked to identify the source words of blends, significantly more correct detections resulted when splits had been made before strong syllables. Word blending, like speech segmentation, appears to be constrained by language rhythm.

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Language(s): eng - English
 Dates: 1994
 Publication Status: Issued
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Title: Third International Conference on Spoken Language Processing
Place of Event: Yokohama
Start-/End Date: 1994-09-18 - 1994-09-22

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Title: Proceedings of the Third International Conference on Spoken Language Processing
Source Genre: Proceedings
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Publ. Info: Kobe : Acoustical Society of Japan
Pages: - Volume / Issue: - Sequence Number: - Start / End Page: 1407 - 1410 Identifier: -