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World-Wide comparative evidence for calquing of valency patterns in Creoles

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Michaelis,  Susanne Maria
Linguistic and Cultural Evolution, Max Planck Institute for the Science of Human History, Max Planck Society;

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Michaelis, S. M. (2019). World-Wide comparative evidence for calquing of valency patterns in Creoles. Journal of Language Contact, 12(1), 191-231. doi:10.1163/19552629-20190001.


Cite as: http://hdl.handle.net/21.11116/0000-0007-8F4C-4
Abstract
Creole languages consistently show valency patterns that cannot be traced back to their lexifier languages, but derive from their substrate languages. In this paper, I start out from the observation that a convincing case for substrate influence can be made by adopting a world-wide comparative approach. If there are recurrent matches between substrate and creole structures in a given construction type, in creoles of different world regions and with different substrates, then we can exclude the possibility of an accident, and substrate influence is the only explanation. The construction types that I will look at are ditransitive constructions (Section 3), weather constructions (Section 4), experiencer constructions (Section 5), and motion constructions (Section 6). I will draw on the unique typological data source from the Atlas of Pidgin and Creole Language Structures (Michaelis et al., 2013a; 2013b). My conclusion is that the data provided in AP i CS support the claim that during creolization, valency patterns have been systematically calqued into the nascent creoles.