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custom:Mendeley_Bookmark_YfcrMlUt49_9: nt event, which was witnessed by a person wearing sunglasses (Experiment 1). Having later discovered that the sunglasses were opaque, 36-month-olds correctly inferred that the person must have formed a false belief about the location of the objects and us
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custom:Mendeley_Bookmark_zO6EBV0x8v_17: cit ToM tasks using four different measures with 24-month-olds (N = 66): Anticipatory looking, looking times and pupil dilation in violation-of-expectation paradigms, and spontaneous communicative interaction. Results of anticipatory looking and interacti
custom:Mendeley_Bookmark_VkfvIA8rM8_9: ipated correctly only by the age of 4 years, and performed at chance at the ages of 2 and 3 years. Moreover, we found correct anticipation only when the agent falsely believed an object to be in its last rather than a previous location. These findings poi
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custom:Mendeley_Bookmark_zO6EBV0x8v_26: s aimed at building on past research to better understand infants' theory of mind capacities and their relationship to preschoolers' explicit theory of mind. One task fully replicated evidence of 2-year-old children's sensitivity to others' ignorance. The
custom:Mendeley_Bookmark_zO6EBV0x8v_27:  results of another task testing for similar capacities in 18-month-old infants also elicited behavior similar to the original findings, although in that case we only conducted one of two conditions critical for demonstrating that performance depended upo
custom:Mendeley_Bookmark_zO6EBV0x8v_28: n theory of mind capacities. In contrast, our violation of expectation tasks failed to reproduce evidence that, by 18 months of age, infants form specific expectations about the actions an agent will engage in on the basis of false beliefs. Instead, looki
custom:Mendeley_Bookmark_9YnSGWgWUw_6: suggest that false-belief understanding does not emerge until about 4 years of age and constitutes a major developmental milestone in social cognition. By contrast, results from nontraditional tasks, which have steadily accumulated over the past 10 years,
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custom:Mendeley_Bookmark_b3XL5q0Ai8_18: atic study of the replicability and convergent validity of implicit ToM tasks using four different measures with 24-month-olds (N = 66): Anticipatory looking, looking times and pupil dilation in violation-of-expectation paradigms, and spontaneous communic
custom:Mendeley_Bookmark_lwrclOEh4T_18: months of age, infants form specific expectations about the actions an agent will engage in on the basis of false beliefs. Instead, looking times were consistent with infants having no clear prediction about the agent's actions under conditions of false b
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custom:Mendeley_Bookmark_laPu57HCzJ_12: sk, suggesting that they cannot retrospectively attribute beliefs or revise their initial belief attributions. However, an additional experiment provided evidence for prospective tracking of false beliefs in 18-month-olds (Experiment 2). Beyond identifyin
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custom:Mendeley_Bookmark_ixKVoProFG_12: cit Theory of Mind paradigms. It summarizes for each paradigm, how many replications, partial replications and non-replications were identified and how many of them were published or unpublished. Furthermore, descriptive data and sample sizes are reported
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custom:Mendeley_Bookmark_kok2ZwgpW1_12: ons. However, an additional experiment provided evidence for prospective tracking of false beliefs in 18-month-olds (Experiment 2). Beyond identifying two different modes for tracking and updating others\u2019 mental states early in development, these res
custom:Mendeley_Bookmark_laPu57HCzJ_9: correctly infer that someone had a false belief. Eighteen- and 36-month-old children observed a displacement event, which was witnessed by a person wearing sunglasses (Experiment 1). Having later discovered that the sunglasses were opaque, 36-month-olds c
custom:Mendeley_Bookmark_kok2ZwgpW1_11: mpute beliefs retrospectively, based on episodic memories, well before they pass explicit false-belief tasks. Eighteen-month-olds failed in such a task, suggesting that they cannot retrospectively attribute beliefs or revise their initial belief attributi
custom:Mendeley_Bookmark_laPu57HCzJ_8:  situations, and in a retrospective manner, based on episodic retrieval of the details of the events that brought about the beliefs. We developed a task in which only retrospective attribution, but not prospective belief tracking, would allow children to 
custom:Mendeley_Bookmark_cdcKnvkSEr_8: hen the adult had witnessed the misplacement, or when she did not intend to retrieve the misplaced object. Results suggest that preverbal infants anticipate a person's mistaken action through mental attributions of both her goal and reality representation
custom:Mendeley_Bookmark_cdcKnvkSEr_7: nts spontaneously intervene when an adult is mistaken about the location of an object she is about to retrieve. Infants pointed out a correct location for an adult before she was about to commit a mistake. Infants did not intervene in control conditions w
custom:Mendeley_Bookmark_cdcKnvkSEr_6: istakes. Such anticipatory correcting reveals a social motivation for unsolicited helping. Cognitively, it requires forward inferences about others' actions through mental attributions of goal and reality representations. The current study shows that infa
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custom:Mendeley_Bookmark_ixKVoProFG_6: ld false beliefs. Results from traditional tasks suggest that false-belief understanding does not emerge until about 4 years of age and constitutes a major developmental milestone in social cognition. By contrast, results from nontraditional tasks, which 
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custom:Mendeley_Bookmark_cdcKnvkSEr_13: ferable to information from unreliable informants. In Experiment 1, children were presented with previously accurate and inaccurate informants who presented conflicting names for novel objects. 4-year-olds - but not 3-year-olds-predicted whether an inform
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custom:Mendeley_Bookmark_VkfvIA8rM8_20: ency of our data with other findings and hypotheses regarding early-developing theory of mind, and consider the possibility that they reflect the veridical abilities of 18-month-old infants, who may track others' knowledge and ignorance but may not consis
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custom:Mendeley_Bookmark_cdcKnvkSEr_15: rust when learning both verbal and nonverbal information. These experiments demonstrate that preschoolers have a key strategy for assessing the reliability of information. \u00a9 2005 by the Society for Research in Child Development, Inc. All rights reser
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custom:Mendeley_Bookmark_cdcKnvkSEr_23: ey had forgotten the toy location. Compared with a control group in which infants had no other option but to decide by themselves, infants given the opportunity to ask for help used this option strategically to improve their performance. Asking for help w
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custom:Mendeley_Bookmark_VkfvIA8rM8_17: old infants also elicited behavior similar to the original findings, although in that case we only conducted one of two conditions critical for demonstrating that performance depended upon theory of mind capacities. In contrast, our violation of expectati
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custom:Mendeley_Bookmark_lwrclOEh4T_7:  younger than 2 years have been shown to display correct expectations of the actions of an agent with a false belief. The developmental trajectory of these early-developing abilities and their robustness, however, remain a matter of debate. Here, we teste
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custom:Mendeley_Bookmark_4L2UFA2NBE_20: s regarding early-developing theory of mind, and consider the possibility that they reflect the veridical abilities of 18-month-old infants, who may track others' knowledge and ignorance but may not consistently represent the contents of others' beliefs."
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custom:Mendeley_Bookmark_jONX8Get5n_9: correctly infer that someone had a false belief. Eighteen- and 36-month-old children observed a displacement event, which was witnessed by a person wearing sunglasses (Experiment 1). Having later discovered that the sunglasses were opaque, 36-month-olds c
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custom:Mendeley_Bookmark_jONX8Get5n_8:  situations, and in a retrospective manner, based on episodic retrieval of the details of the events that brought about the beliefs. We developed a task in which only retrospective attribution, but not prospective belief tracking, would allow children to 
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custom:Mendeley_Bookmark_jONX8Get5n_7: debate in psychology and cognitive science concerns the nature of young children\u2019s ability to attribute and track others\u2019 beliefs. Beliefs can be attributed in at least two different ways: prospectively, during the observation of belief-inducing
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custom:Mendeley_Bookmark_YfcrMlUt49_11: mpute beliefs retrospectively, based on episodic memories, well before they pass explicit false-belief tasks. Eighteen-month-olds failed in such a task, suggesting that they cannot retrospectively attribute beliefs or revise their initial belief attributi
custom:Mendeley_Bookmark_YfcrMlUt49_12: ons. However, an additional experiment provided evidence for prospective tracking of false beliefs in 18-month-olds (Experiment 2). Beyond identifying two different modes for tracking and updating others\u2019 mental states early in development, these res
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custom:Mendeley_Bookmark_YfcrMlUt49_10: ed this inference in resolving her referential expressions. They successfully performed retrospective revision in the opposite direction as well, correcting a mistakenly attributed false belief when this was necessary (Experiment 3). Thus, children can co
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